ACTIONS OF THE SAS

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Peterhead Prison

In parallel with adapting its role to a changed world overseas,
the SAS found itself in some unexpected situations in the UK
also. One such was the Peterhead Prison siege in Scotland in
October 1987. It was to lead to a rescue remarkable even by
SAS standards. The story has not been told before.
Fifty dangerous prisoners, some serving long sentences for
multiple murder and rape -- men with nothing to lose -- seized
control of the prison's 'D' Block. Once they had got the riot
out of their system, the majority gave themselves up, but a
hard core of four or five men continued to resist. They held
as hostage a 56-year-old prison officer with one kidney who
needed drugs and medical attention to stabilise his condition.
His worsening state, day by day, put the authorities under
unenviable pressure.
The hard core group retreated into the roof space high in
one corner of the building and roosted behind barricades,
threatening to cut their hostage's throat if any attempt was
made to take them. With regular rooftop performances they
could ensure that their appeal to television and microphone
would give them an audience beyond the prison governor.
The stalemate continued for almost a week, during which
the prison authorities invoked the help of Grampian Police.
The police adopted a gradualist approach, their special reac-
tion team armed with all that was necessary, remaining one
side of the barricade, the prison rebels the other, constantly
watched through fibre-optic lenses and other special security
equipment.
During the preceding months, there had been a series of
prison disturbances in Scotland. The Peterhead stand-off, how-
ever, was dragging on a little too long. The stalemate might
make sense on the spot but not in the larger world outside,
particularly in Whitehall and Downing Street. After urgent talks
between the Scottish Office, headed by Malcolm Rifkind and
the Home Secretary, Douglas Hurd, another two-man advisory
team was sent at police request from Hereford. The men set off
by helicopter at about 10pm and arrived at the prison in the
early hours of the following morning. Their remit was not to
break the siege directly but to offer advice to the responsible
civil power, the local police force. The police believed that the
task was one for the SAS. Their legal right to seek military
assistance was copper-bottomed. Under the rules laid down
for Military Aid to the Civil Power (MAC-P) a soldier breaks
the law if he refuses to aid the civil police when they ask him
to help. More generally, police forces know that they have the
right to call on military power via the Whitehall bureaucracy if
order breaks down to a point where they cannot control it.
The use of military power -- with its implication of military
firepower- within the realm, directed against British citizens has
been an emotive topic for years. It still conjures up memories
of 1911, when Home Secretary Winston Churchill used the
Scots Guards with Maxim gun to suppress armed anarchists in
London's East End; after which the Worcester Regiment opened
fire on rioting rail strikers in Wales and 50,000 troops prepared
to move on London or Liverpool, where three warships were
also brought to bear from the Mersey.
In the great French student revolution of 1968 known as 'Les
Evenements' rioters controlled much of Paris until the CRS riot
squads used CS gas to clear the streets. The British view has
always been that aside from Northern Ireland, resort to such a
high profile of official force is alien and politically dangerous.
As a result, Britain does not have the benefits of a 'Third Force'
specialising in civil commotion which goes beyond normal
police control, yet falls short of armed insurrection.
The only military team with experience of precisely targeted
violence available at the time of Peterhead, and for long after-
wards, was the SAS. British police forces, although armed with
CS by 1987, were unready to use it in an enclosed space or at
all, if possible.
One of the SAS Regiment's most enduring characteristics is its
lack of inhibition about going for the heart of a problem without
agonising. Peterhead was a task for a small, swift snatch squad
using the weapons of surprise and speed plus a puff or two of
CS (technically smoke rather than gas) to keep the opposition
subdued during the few minutes required to retrieve the hostage.

The prisoners' prisoner, the advisory team noted, was the only
bargaining chip left to a tiny handful of rioters still holding out
in an area under continuous electronic surveillance.
While the discussions continued, the SAS advisers arranged
for carefully calculated explosive charges to be attached to
various entry points into the wing. There was no need to make
a hole in the roof. The prisoners had done that themselves as
a way of reaching their television audience. The main assault
line proposed by the adviser would require balance and cool
nerve: it involved an exit through a skylight, a rope-assisted
descent down a steeply pitched roof to a rain gutter followed
by a walk of some yards, in the dark, unroped, with a drop of
around 80 feet to the yard below if anything went wrong. This
was perceived by the SAS team as an entirely normal procedure;
the police were not convinced.
There were more negotiations through the government's
crisis management group, COBR, in London with the Director
of Special Forces, an SAS brigadier. Five days into the crisis, late
on the night of Friday 2 October, a regimental response team
flew by Hercules to an airhead some miles from the prison. They
brought their standard weapons -- HK MP5 sub-machine-guns
and Browning pistols -- though this was not a task for which
firearms would be needed. Their adviser, already on the scene,
had arranged for a supply of police staves around 4 feet long
instead.
It was well after midnight when the aircraft touched down
north of Aberdeen. First light was only a few hours away and the
unblinking gaze of television would then resume. The condition
of the hostage was getting no better. Somehow, the rescue
squad had to be inserted into the prison unobserved; break
the deadlock, achieve a clean rescue and get out, still unseen
by media and prisoners, by dawn.
The team first moved from the airhead by prison bus to
the prison gymnasium. It was 4am. There were two hours of
darkness left. From London, COBR had given final assent to
an SAS operation. They were now committed.
Briefings were pared down to essential details. The snatch
squad of four men would make the hazardous journey from
skylight to prisoners' roof-hole, by way of the gutter. Back-up
teams would blast a way into the floors below on each side
of the building and follow through to close any escape route.
Once rescued, the hostage would be brought out to the care
of a reception party which included a resuscitation team.
Another group would receive the surrendering prisoners with
handcuffs.
At around 5am, wearing CS masks and armed with their
staves, the four-man assault team eased open the skylight and
hauled themselves outward. It was a slippery, wet sort of morn-
ing to be on the tiles, or slates, of a Scottish prison. To walk the
length of the gutter in the dark, with vision dangerously limited
by a gas mask demanded a superhuman balance.
With the 'good, solid Victorian' gutter creaking slightly under
his rubber boots, the point man moved gently forward, aware
that if things went wrong at this stage he could find himself
dangling, like Buster Keaton, on the end of a very precarious
hold indeed. Yet things were OK, he assured himself. He was
nearly at the prisoners' hole now.

Things were not entirely OK. Across the yard to the right,
the prison's B Block held several hundred men -- and not all of
them were sleeping.
'Watch out, lads! They're coming after you!'
The voice that bellowed across the echoing space between
the two buildings was one of the prisoners who had, in all
probability, given himself up earlier in the siege. Before the
lights could come on, before other voices joined the clamour,
the SAS point man had reached the hole. So too, almost at the
same moment, did one of the prisoners. The soldier thrust the
'flash-bang' stun grenade into the space separating them and as
the prisoner staggered back, the soldier followed it up with a
smouldering CS cartridge, then swung his legs over the void
and dropped inside.
One man threw a punch before the CS got to him. Soon those
inside the roof were coughing and spluttering uncontrollably,
eyes streaming. Small explosive charges around the building
swept aside the barricades and announced the arrival of the
follow-through teams.
The first of the rescue squad, who had tested the walk along
the gutter, was back on the roof by now, hauling the hostage
out to the clean air. He then half-carried, half-dragged the prison
officer along the gutter to the point where the skylight rope
crossed it. The rescued man, weakened by his ordeal as well as
illness, was in no condition to help himself up the rope. He was
dragged up the last stage of his uncomfortable road to freedom
by the same SAS soldier who had brought him this far.
As at Princes Gate, the rest were propelled along a line of
soldiers.
'Move! Move!'
CS smoke was oozing round the rest of the wing now,
tickling eyeballs and throats beyond the immediate combat zone,
reviving memories, perhaps, of hard nights in Ballymurphy and
Whiterock. But a prison officer's life had been saved and his
captors restrained without loss of life or serious injury. This was
not 1911, after all. Just five months before the furore at Gibraltar,
this was a singularly neat example of the use of minimum force,
without firearms, to resolve what was, in SAS eyes, a simple
problem. The job had taken just six minutes from the moment
the first soldier slipped through the skylight to the moment
when the hostage, his face marked with cuts, was reunited with
his family in a secure, guarded area.
A few legal formalities -- Scottish legal formalities, this time
-- had to be observed. Statements were given to the police,
explaining, justifying what was done and how. The soldiers
slipped away to their bus and their waiting C130 after just
ninety minutes on Scottish soil. Even for Scots on the team,
it was long enough -- given the circumstances. They were home
in Hereford in time for a second breakfast, in time to hear all
about it on the morning radio news. There was little to see
on television, though the Scottish Secretary, Malcolm Rifkind,
stood up to say that the prime reason for ending this siege by
force was concern at the 'disgraceful maltreatment' suffered by
the hostage.
The operation had an extraordinary postscript. Learning from
experience, the Prison Department of the Home Office started
training selected prison officers in the art of breaking sieges.
Some were trained by the SAS. Yet the government was slow
to use such a team when faced with a colourful riot which
destroyed much of Strangeways Prison, Manchester, in 1990.
The governor, Brendan O'Friel, wanted to retake the prison
by force on the second day but was overruled by the Home
Office. An inquiry by Lord Justice Woolf later criticised the
decision not to storm Strangeways, asserting that the prisoners
would have soon surrendered.
The bill presented to the nation for a 'non-violent' scenario
that ran on for twenty-six days was the premature death of three
people, 194 non-fatal injuries, virtual demolition of a prison at
a cost to taxpayers of 5100 millions and loss through sickness
or retirement of fifteen prison officers.
Somewhat further down the scale of public disasters was the
appearance before a court in Alloa of a prison governor trained
by the SAS who retained CS cartridges without authority.
In December 1989 the Independent newspaper reported that
Mr Gordon Jackson, governor of Glenochil Prison, central
Scotland, was put in charge of a special unit in the prison
service to deal with hostage incidents after several sieges. He
was trained by the SAS Regiment to break up such sieges with
the minimum of injury and force.
During a training demonstration in England in May, 1988,
he received 23 "wax like" rounds which could be fired to open
doors without injury, together with seven live and two CS
cartridges. He took these back to his office and left them
in a locked cupboard. In September 1989, Mr Jackson was
convalescing after a heart attack and the ammunition was
discovered.
His counsel said that Jackson, a former soldier, had twenty
years of exemplary service in Scottish prisons. He had believed
that his 'special remit' allowed him to possess the cartridges
for training purposes. Sheriff Robert Younger admonished the
governor, As he said, no one suggested that the ammunition
had been collected for any sinister purpose.

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